Politics is dead. RIP politics. Long live pragmatism, opportunism, careerism- anything but politics of vision. It has all now become a game of upmanship. Tories promise £500 for pensioners to help with Council Tax; the party of government spoils it by offering £200. All the opposition parties lay out their wares for struggling first time house buyers. Labour doubles the stamp duty threshold.
The major political parties have coalesced into the middle ground. They are now only separated by differences of emphasis, nuance and, to put it blatantly, the different ways they spin their lines. Since 1945, the Tories have accepted the need for a welfare state. Labour, for its part, ditched commitment to nationalisation and accepted the universality of the market.
Although Labour has invested unprecedented amounts in public services, and has effectively used the tax system for redistribution, it has been reluctant to clothe these achievements with a vocal, overarching vision. Doing so would risk reviving memories of the days it was stuck in the ice age, with its reputation for inefficiency, labour militancy and bloated bureaucracy.
The Tories have also gone through a process of catharsis, hoping to remove any memories of Thatcherite excess. The party of family values and morality now regrets its stance over section 28. It is now courting votes from quarters it was not traditionally associated with.
What has been the effect of all this? How has it affected public attitudes?
Clearly by turning people away from formal politics. Party membership is at an all time low. Only 59% of the electorate turned out to vote in 2001. 40% of those who turned out voted Labour. Lest we get carried away about Labour’s landslide, these figures, less often cited, should act as a wake up call. Disengagement on such a scale calls into question the moral legitimacy of mandates.
Disillusion with formal politics does not mean people have lost interest altogether. They are just expressing it in other ways. Hundreds of thousands of people protested against the Iraq war. Tens of thousands of people recently turned up in London to protest against the continued occupation of Iraq. There are hundreds of networks of people, often interacting over the Internet, interested in political, environmental, developmental and rights issues.
Tuesday, March 29
Saturday, March 19
Some thoughts on the coming general election
Some successful sniping apart- the one about Margaret’s shoulder was particularly vicious- the Tory party is unlikely to win the general election in May this year. Nothing is certain in politics, but something drastic would have to happen to overturn Labour’s mammoth majority. As an ardent opponent of the Iraq war, a Labour defeat would be hugely gratifying, but reality cannot be ignored. So what is likely to happen?
The most likely scenario is a halved majority for Labour. That would still give it a majority of over 80. The Conservatives are likely to make gains, but their total seats will remain sub 200, psychologically an important figure if they are to show signs of significant recovery. The Liberal Democrats would have done well if they win 70 seats.
Labour’s still significant majority will mask the fact that most voters, possibly more than 60%, would not have voted for it. Such are the peculiarities of the first past the post system, though the moral legitimacy of a mandate based on a minority of the popular vote can be reasonably impugned.
A reduced majority may well be good for the Labour party, particularly if the losses fall on that breed of New Labour MPs often referred to as Tony’s cronies. These are MPs who are in it to pursue their own careers and have few convictions or a concept of the public good. Their docility has enabled Blair to get away with much. They have failed in their duty as MPs. Let us hope they fail at the general election.
The most likely scenario is a halved majority for Labour. That would still give it a majority of over 80. The Conservatives are likely to make gains, but their total seats will remain sub 200, psychologically an important figure if they are to show signs of significant recovery. The Liberal Democrats would have done well if they win 70 seats.
Labour’s still significant majority will mask the fact that most voters, possibly more than 60%, would not have voted for it. Such are the peculiarities of the first past the post system, though the moral legitimacy of a mandate based on a minority of the popular vote can be reasonably impugned.
A reduced majority may well be good for the Labour party, particularly if the losses fall on that breed of New Labour MPs often referred to as Tony’s cronies. These are MPs who are in it to pursue their own careers and have few convictions or a concept of the public good. Their docility has enabled Blair to get away with much. They have failed in their duty as MPs. Let us hope they fail at the general election.
Friday, March 18
In defence of arranged marriage
A day after starting my first ever job, I had a chat with a colleague about marriage. I told her about arranged marriage, which she likened to prostitution, a comparison that offended me. However, ‘new boy’ timidity got the better of me and I did not press the point further.
Over ten years and an online revolution later, I feel more confident about defending a custom that I perceive to be a perfectly acceptable way of finding a partner. What can be possibly wrong with being introduced to prospective life partners? Critics may say that there is no spontaneity, no falling in love, no preceding romance that blossoms. But where is the spontaneity in speed dating? Where is the personal touch in making contact over cyberspace or replying to a ‘Connections’ ad in your local paper? Why is it acceptable for introduction agencies to arrange relationships but repugnant for parents to do so? And I will not even mention ‘dogging’…
That is not to say that enforced marriage, which does unfortunately take place, is acceptable. Compelling someone to marry against their will is morally wrong. Introducing someone who is ready for marriage to prospective partners is not.
Over ten years and an online revolution later, I feel more confident about defending a custom that I perceive to be a perfectly acceptable way of finding a partner. What can be possibly wrong with being introduced to prospective life partners? Critics may say that there is no spontaneity, no falling in love, no preceding romance that blossoms. But where is the spontaneity in speed dating? Where is the personal touch in making contact over cyberspace or replying to a ‘Connections’ ad in your local paper? Why is it acceptable for introduction agencies to arrange relationships but repugnant for parents to do so? And I will not even mention ‘dogging’…
That is not to say that enforced marriage, which does unfortunately take place, is acceptable. Compelling someone to marry against their will is morally wrong. Introducing someone who is ready for marriage to prospective partners is not.
Tuesday, March 15
Wine and Urdu poetry
Wine plays an important symbolic role in Urdu poetry. It is a malleable role, catering for all moods.
For the jilted lover, distraught at separation from the beloved, wine is for drowning untold sorrows. He- and normally it is a he in Urdu poetry- is often a reluctant drinker. That he does so is a reflection of the strength of his feeling for the object of his love. This is particularly evident in the works of Ghalib.
Wine plays a more sensual role, sometimes bordering on erotica, for the successful lover. So it is not uncommon for her luscious lips to be likened to overflowing wine goblets, both inviting contact.
Yet wine is not just a powerful symbol for the peaks and troughs of human relationships. It is also a powerful symbol for spirituality. Those in a total state of inebriation care little about what is happening around them, just as those infused with the love of God, the ascetic and the saintly, have little interest in worldly cares. Whether it’s the chronic alcoholic, spending his days on an inner city bench, or the hermit going around the villages of India, both care little about the world.
Why is wine the leitmotif of Urdu poetry, especially as alcohol is strictly forbidden in Islam? In one sense, the use of wine is not surprising. Alcohol is a useful metaphor for life- we drink among friends when we are happy and may drink alone when we are stressed or unhappy. But in Urdu poetry wine serves another, underlying, purpose. It is difficult not to perceive a sense of frustration at the prohibition of alcohol. Its widespread use in poetry is an indirect attack on puritanism.
Many poems express a fondness for wine, perhaps a reflection of the poet’s own state of mind. Indeed, in Urdu poetry such is the power of wine that even the preacher, who in public rants against it, is often seduced by it. In one poem, a ‘rindi’ or drunkard expresses his surprise at seeing, on entering the tavern, the preacher rush out, making a poor attempt to hide his face. Wine is a convenient tool for beating the clerics with. The poet is a social commentator. Wine plays a useful role in exposing the hypocrisies and contradictions inherent in society.
For the jilted lover, distraught at separation from the beloved, wine is for drowning untold sorrows. He- and normally it is a he in Urdu poetry- is often a reluctant drinker. That he does so is a reflection of the strength of his feeling for the object of his love. This is particularly evident in the works of Ghalib.
Wine plays a more sensual role, sometimes bordering on erotica, for the successful lover. So it is not uncommon for her luscious lips to be likened to overflowing wine goblets, both inviting contact.
Yet wine is not just a powerful symbol for the peaks and troughs of human relationships. It is also a powerful symbol for spirituality. Those in a total state of inebriation care little about what is happening around them, just as those infused with the love of God, the ascetic and the saintly, have little interest in worldly cares. Whether it’s the chronic alcoholic, spending his days on an inner city bench, or the hermit going around the villages of India, both care little about the world.
Why is wine the leitmotif of Urdu poetry, especially as alcohol is strictly forbidden in Islam? In one sense, the use of wine is not surprising. Alcohol is a useful metaphor for life- we drink among friends when we are happy and may drink alone when we are stressed or unhappy. But in Urdu poetry wine serves another, underlying, purpose. It is difficult not to perceive a sense of frustration at the prohibition of alcohol. Its widespread use in poetry is an indirect attack on puritanism.
Many poems express a fondness for wine, perhaps a reflection of the poet’s own state of mind. Indeed, in Urdu poetry such is the power of wine that even the preacher, who in public rants against it, is often seduced by it. In one poem, a ‘rindi’ or drunkard expresses his surprise at seeing, on entering the tavern, the preacher rush out, making a poor attempt to hide his face. Wine is a convenient tool for beating the clerics with. The poet is a social commentator. Wine plays a useful role in exposing the hypocrisies and contradictions inherent in society.
Friday, March 11
Iraq war advice
So now we hear that there was no detailed advice from the Attorney General about the legality of the war in Iraq. The brief, A4 statement to parliament was the sum total of the Attorney General’s advice. The more detailed 13-page document, guarded by the government against Freedom of Information requests, was, we are now told, merely a preliminary opinion.
The revelation is startling. It is clear that MPs voted in favour of the war on the ground that the Attorney General had, in detail, set out the case for war without another UN resolution. The general view then, and one not dispelled by two oscitant enquiries, was that the statement to parliament was a précis of the detailed advice. Blair’s case for the war, along with his credibility, is crumbling.
My suspicion, however, is that we are being prepared for the disclosure of the Attorney General’s detailed statement. The government is under such pressure to do so that it may now be the only way to draw a line under the controversy. However, the statement may have cautioned against war without another UN resolution; it may have raised other reservations that would demolish the government’s case for war. What better way to prepare for its release than by diminishing its importance to a mere preliminary statement?
The revelation is startling. It is clear that MPs voted in favour of the war on the ground that the Attorney General had, in detail, set out the case for war without another UN resolution. The general view then, and one not dispelled by two oscitant enquiries, was that the statement to parliament was a précis of the detailed advice. Blair’s case for the war, along with his credibility, is crumbling.
My suspicion, however, is that we are being prepared for the disclosure of the Attorney General’s detailed statement. The government is under such pressure to do so that it may now be the only way to draw a line under the controversy. However, the statement may have cautioned against war without another UN resolution; it may have raised other reservations that would demolish the government’s case for war. What better way to prepare for its release than by diminishing its importance to a mere preliminary statement?
Monday, March 7
Problems of the articulate?
Here in the UK, around 2 in 3 adults have depression at some time in their lives. The predictions are more dire. By 2020, it will be the most serious illness facing humanity. Meanwhile, we also read about how widespread stress and anxiety are.
In some countries- for example Pakistan- a diagnosis of depression, stress or anxiety is not so widespread. Symptoms are dismissed as unrelated. Here, for example, low mood, fatigue, tiredness, headaches and persistent worry might lead to a diagnosis of depression, all symptoms which research has shown are widespread in Pakistan. There, people dismiss these as unrelated symptoms. The tiredness and fatigue might be the result of working in the fields all day. The worry and low mood might emanate from concern for the future of children. In the absence of these symptoms being accompanied by psychotic/ schizophrenic symptoms, few are likely to associate them with mental illness. Most people would say they are facts of life.
It could be argued that by being aware of how widespread depression, anxiety and stress are, and by having ready access to sources of information about these, people in the West are more likely to articulate their problems in a way that fits into a diagnostic category. There are strong proponents of this view. They are concerned about the rise of the “cannot cope culture” and the therapeutic state.
There are strong arguments on both sides of the debate. There is no doubt that the articulate are diagnosed and treated more quickly, but I would argue that this is the case with any illness or problem. The more you know about your problem the more help you can get. That doesn’t make your problem any less serious. In the UK, many South Asians who do not even speak English- for example women and older people generally- are diagnosed with depression. The diagnosis may take a while- after many visits to the GP and complaints about various symptoms.
In some countries- for example Pakistan- a diagnosis of depression, stress or anxiety is not so widespread. Symptoms are dismissed as unrelated. Here, for example, low mood, fatigue, tiredness, headaches and persistent worry might lead to a diagnosis of depression, all symptoms which research has shown are widespread in Pakistan. There, people dismiss these as unrelated symptoms. The tiredness and fatigue might be the result of working in the fields all day. The worry and low mood might emanate from concern for the future of children. In the absence of these symptoms being accompanied by psychotic/ schizophrenic symptoms, few are likely to associate them with mental illness. Most people would say they are facts of life.
It could be argued that by being aware of how widespread depression, anxiety and stress are, and by having ready access to sources of information about these, people in the West are more likely to articulate their problems in a way that fits into a diagnostic category. There are strong proponents of this view. They are concerned about the rise of the “cannot cope culture” and the therapeutic state.
There are strong arguments on both sides of the debate. There is no doubt that the articulate are diagnosed and treated more quickly, but I would argue that this is the case with any illness or problem. The more you know about your problem the more help you can get. That doesn’t make your problem any less serious. In the UK, many South Asians who do not even speak English- for example women and older people generally- are diagnosed with depression. The diagnosis may take a while- after many visits to the GP and complaints about various symptoms.
Friday, March 4
Sycophancy!
Last night I saw the video of a Mirpuri MP, who had just been appointed a Minister by the state government, being greeted and feted by his constituents. In fairness to the Minister, he has done much for his constituency. Everywhere there are visible signs of progress- road building, bridge construction and better electricity supplies. The minister has achieved much.
What struck me, however, is the sycophantic attitude of some people. Speech after speech was delivered praising the minister in colourful, exuberant language. Some of the speakers were long term party loyalists; others had switched loyalties from the now powerless opposition party. Speakers delivered vows of eternal loyalty to the ‘great’ leader. I cringed at the sight of one man singing his words of loyalty to the politician.
If I were living in Mirpur, I would have voted for the politician. Yet I can never accept this type of flattery. As a university student in the UK, I grew up on a healthy diet of scepticism comprising Spitting Images, Private Eye and the more incisive Guardian. The way people handle and deal with politicians is a measure of a nation’s political maturity. In Mirpur and Pakistan generally, despite the formality of an election every five years, there is a long way to go.
What struck me, however, is the sycophantic attitude of some people. Speech after speech was delivered praising the minister in colourful, exuberant language. Some of the speakers were long term party loyalists; others had switched loyalties from the now powerless opposition party. Speakers delivered vows of eternal loyalty to the ‘great’ leader. I cringed at the sight of one man singing his words of loyalty to the politician.
If I were living in Mirpur, I would have voted for the politician. Yet I can never accept this type of flattery. As a university student in the UK, I grew up on a healthy diet of scepticism comprising Spitting Images, Private Eye and the more incisive Guardian. The way people handle and deal with politicians is a measure of a nation’s political maturity. In Mirpur and Pakistan generally, despite the formality of an election every five years, there is a long way to go.
Tuesday, March 1
Investment in health
Tony Blair’s foreign policy woes mask some very significant changes and improvements in domestic matters. Employment is at levels not seen for decades, interest rates are low and with low inflation, consumer goods are fairly cheap by historical comparison.
One area of change is health, which has received massive investment. I use the word change, rather than improvement deliberately, because although things have got better in many respects, whether all the investment leads to a radically different and improved health system has yet to be seen. A few sums will explain the issues better- the NHS budget for 2002-3 was £65.4 billion, a massive £25bn higher than it was in 1999-2000. The government announced a five-year programme of investment in the 2002 Budget. As a result of this, the UK NHS budget will reach £87.2bn by 2005-06 and £105.6bn by 2007-08. With investment at this level, the standard for measuring success should surely be very high indeed.
It is important, however, that the NHS does not become a bottomless pit. One way of making sure it doesn’t is by investing in public health. If people are healthier, they will have less need to contact health services. Another issue is to ensure that the money is well targeted to meeting genuine health needs. The NHS would certainly become a bottomless pit if, in furtherance of the ‘therapeutic state’, the extra cash flowing around is used to medicalise all kinds of things.
One area of change is health, which has received massive investment. I use the word change, rather than improvement deliberately, because although things have got better in many respects, whether all the investment leads to a radically different and improved health system has yet to be seen. A few sums will explain the issues better- the NHS budget for 2002-3 was £65.4 billion, a massive £25bn higher than it was in 1999-2000. The government announced a five-year programme of investment in the 2002 Budget. As a result of this, the UK NHS budget will reach £87.2bn by 2005-06 and £105.6bn by 2007-08. With investment at this level, the standard for measuring success should surely be very high indeed.
It is important, however, that the NHS does not become a bottomless pit. One way of making sure it doesn’t is by investing in public health. If people are healthier, they will have less need to contact health services. Another issue is to ensure that the money is well targeted to meeting genuine health needs. The NHS would certainly become a bottomless pit if, in furtherance of the ‘therapeutic state’, the extra cash flowing around is used to medicalise all kinds of things.
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